Breaking the League
Written by William F. Jasper
On December 3, 1918, the S.S. George Washington set sail on a historic and uniquely ironic voyage, one that would cap a history of ironies for the ship that had briefly served as a German luxury liner. Noted for ferrying the rich and the famous across the Atlantic, this steamer was the third-largest ship in the world when it was launched 10 years earlier, in 1908. It was built in Germany by the German shipping line Nord-deutscher Lloyd, but, with the outbreak of World War I, the S.S. George Washington was seized by the United States, and for the duration of the war was used as a troop ship to carry U.S. soldiers to Europe to fight Germany and the Central Powers.
The famed passenger on this particular voyage was not a titan of industry, a crowned head of Europe, or an opera star, but the president of the United States. President Woodrow Wilson was leading an American delegation to the Paris Peace Conference at the Palace of Versailles. What was supremely ironic about this venture was that President Wilson was sailing on a ship named in honor of our nation’s first president, George Washington, who, in his Farewell Address, had famously counseled his countrymen, “It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliance with any portion of the foreign world.” Thomas Jefferson, in his Inaugural Address, paid homage to Washington’s political wisdom, pledging: “Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations — entangling alliances with none.” Yet, President Wilson, who sprinkled his speeches with reverential references to Washington, Jefferson, and other American Founding Fathers, was headed to Europe on a gambit to establish the most far-reaching entangling alliance the world had ever seen: the League of Nations.
Indeed, the proposed League, which was a major feature of the Treaty of Versailles, was far more than a mere “alliance.” As envisioned by its authors, the League of Nations was to be the seed of a nascent world government that would eventually wield global judicial, legislative, and executive powers. A most immediate concern of the designers was to invest the League with military power by potentially obligating all members of the League to go to war not only whenever any member suffered military aggression by another member, but also “in case of any threat or danger of such aggression.” (Emphasis added.) As we will see, it was this first modern stab at “collective security,” as embodied in Articles 10 and 11 of the Covenant of the League of Nations, that doomed both the League and the Versailles Treaty to defeat in the U.S. Senate.
Following a nine-day trans-Atlantic crossing, President Wilson disembarked from the S.S. George Washington in France on December 13 to a rapturous hero’s welcome. “Wilson’s reception in Paris was tumultuous,” write historians Norman A. Graebner and Edward M. Bennett in The Versailles Treaty and Its Legacy. “The throngs that lined the streets cheered and wept, hailing him as the savior of France. His reception in London was scarcely less rapturous. The King lauded the American contribution to victory.” This popular acclaim clashed sharply with Wilson’s status in America, where he faced not only rising Republican opposition, but declining support among alienated Democrats within his own party as well.
Only weeks before his departure for Europe, the president’s Democratic Party suffered serious losses in the November 1918 midterm congressional elections. The Republicans picked up 25 seats to take control of the House, and in the Senate gained six seats, giving them a narrow 49 to 47 majority in the upper chamber. This change in the legislative balance of power would make it next to impossible for the president to obtain the two-thirds vote in the Senate needed to ratify the Versailles Treaty and secure U.S. membership in the League of Nations.
Inquiring Minds or Conspiring Minds?
Long before President Wilson departed these shores on his historic journey, a small, secretive group of well-connected academics, financiers, and lawyers had been working on the two internationalist projects — the League and the Versailles Treaty — that would come to be signature failures associated with his presidency. Referring to themselves as “The Inquiry,” the group was comprised of some 150 individuals who would later form the “ruling establishment” of the United States. Assembled in September of 1917, The Inquiry was the genesis of the globalist brain trust now known as the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR).
The person responsible for organizing The Inquiry was Wilson’s mysterious advisor “Colonel” Edward Mandell House. The military title was an honorific bestowed on House by Texas Governor James Hogg, as patronage for House’s aid in his gubernatorial campaign; House had never served in the military. One of the most intriguing characters in American history, he exercised a Svengalian control over Wilson, who referred to House as “my second personality,” “my independent self,” and “my alter ego.” Wilson went so far as to assert: “His thoughts and mine are one.” This “alter ego” of the president wielded incredible power on the world stage, as was to become very clear from his authoritative interactions with world leaders at the Paris conference — and beyond.
In 1996, the Council published a book entitled Continuing The Inquiry: The Council on Foreign Relations from 1921 to 1996. Written by Peter Grose, a longtime CFR member and former managing editor and executive editor of the organization’s journal, Foreign Affairs, it says of The Inquiry: “Through the winter of 1917-18, this academic band gathered discreetly in a hideaway at 155th Street and Broadway in New York City, to assemble the data they thought necessary to make the world safe for democracy.” According to Grose, only a “select few” knew about this “working fellowship.” Indeed, for 75 years, until the publication of the Grose book, the Council and its very influential members had taken great pains to hide the existence of The Inquiry and the network of power that grew out of the group’s efforts to form a new “world order” with the League of Nations. Although the Wall Street financial elites who backed Wilson and his internationalist projects had been operating as powers behind the throne prior to formation of The Inquiry, it is not an exaggeration to say this “study group” was the spawn that would grow into what is now referred to as the Deep State. This is the “permanent government” that has — through both Democratic and Republican administrations — operated to build ever bigger and bigger government at home, while simultaneously diminishing our national sovereignty and subjecting us to ever-growing international controls. This unelected and unaccountable Deep State network currently is doing everything within its vast powers to undo the 2016 elections and overthrow the first U.S. president who genuinely seems determined to undermine and reverse their subversive, globalist agenda.
The real story of the League of Nations, then, is the story of The Inquiry, the Council on Foreign Relations, and the Deep State cabal that has seized control not only of our government, but of our educational, financial, philanthropic, and media institutions as well. You will not read about any of this, of course, in standard textbooks and media accounts about the League. Over the past century, the censors and “court historians” of the Deep State have operated like the Orwellian Ministry of Truth to rewrite history and send inconvenient facts down the memory hole. However, as the United Nations and globalists the world over use the 2020 centenary of the League of Nations as an opportunity to promote their latest multilateralist projects, it is more important than ever for freedom-minded peoples the world over to understand, expose, and oppose this globalist agenda.
When President Wilson sailed for Versailles, some two dozen members of The Inquiry sailed with him and his entourage. Edward House and other members of The Inquiry were already in Paris ahead of him. In the years and decades that followed, as any listing of The Inquiry members will show, these individuals were raised to top positions in our government and other crucial institutions in a proportion that defies facile explanations attributing this dominance to either meritocracy or sheer chance.
It was Wilson’s brain trust, The Inquiry, that produced much of the internationalist agenda attributed to Wilson, including the texts for the Versailles Treaty, the Covenant of the League of Nations, and Wilson’s famous Fourteen Points speech to Congress on January 8, 1918 outlining the diplomatic aims of his peace plan. Credit for the actual authorship of these documents goes to Inquiry members Edward House, John Foster Dulles, Walter Lippmann, Sidney Mezes, Christian Herter, and Isaiah Bowman.
This article appears in the January 20, 2020, issue of The New American. To download the issue and continue reading this story, or to subscribe, click here.
Courtesy of The New American